The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Bayelsa clearly rode on the inability of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to resolve its internal crisis, to emerge a formidable challenger to PDP’s age-long hegemony in the state.
The governorship election in Bayelsa State was won largely on the character, and to some extent, performances of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party’s (PDP) Governor Douye Diri and Timipre Sylva of the All Progressives Congress (APC). Also instrumental at the poll were voters’ intimidation and threat of violence in some places, individual antecedents and war chest of candidates and parties.
Before the election, there were allegations and counter-allegations of stock-pilling of arms and ammunition and hiring of thugs from neighbouring states. But on Saturday, apart from the not easy-to-reach areas, where voters were allegedly intimidated and some staff of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) were harassed or abducted, the exercise was relatively peaceful.
As predicted by The Guardian, the election was too close to call, as the two main contenders were equally marched and ran head to head until the finish line. But as many residents said, and PDP supporters admitted, it would have been a tighter race had APC presented its candidate in the 2019 election, David Lyon, adding that PDP would have witnessed the defection of some members.
The atmosphere for the election was relatively calm, but the wait for final collation of results from the eight local councils and announcement of the winner was pensive, full of anxiety, apprehension and nearing boiling point, as both parties and indeed, Bayelsans were not totally sure if their votes were going to determine the winner.
In some places apart from the candidates’ wards, only those with the war chest made headway. Vote canvassing and buying was discrete and coded, most times leaving security personnel on duty hapless or helpless, depending on the location and polling unit.
Prior to D-Day, the parties had mobilised funds in higher denominations and distributed them to the ward leaders on the ground for this purpose. The night of Friday, November 10, was a very busy day for party leaders and members, as they were gathered at different points to collect whatever was earmarked for their councils, which trickled down to the wards and polling units.
Everybody involved knew what to do, and how to do it, bearing in mind the security implications, if there was any at all.
Smart voters made more money by delaying their voting to enable them get the best possible offers, which increased as competition and desperation set in with time ticking to the 2 p.m. voting closure.
At some polling units, unfamiliar voters were approached by any of the parties ‘men’ and offers were made, depending on the strength of the opposition there. Indeed, as voting commenced, there was no fix price anymore; it soon increased from the initial N5,000 per vote to as high as N20,000.
This was dependent on the going offer, which varied from one unit to another, even when they were situated in the same location, as politicians strove to deliver their units and wards.
For example, a political party offered higher inducement in the opposition’s strongholds. And on realising what was happening, and not to be outdone in its stronghold, the party supposedly on ground upped the offer. And this continued till final voting.
Some voters even went ahead to negotiate for themselves, with some collecting from both sides and voting for one in secret balloting.
At some units, some parties’ agents tried to ensure that those settled actually voted for their candidate. A few voters who wanted to be seen as being loyal to the end and having kept their own part of the bargain would stroll out a few feet after thumb-printing, asking, “How do I fold it so that the ink will not enter another spot,” displaying their voting preference in the process to those who had settled them.
This was observed more in the interior and not too easy-to-reach locations than the city centre, where more attention was focused.
A few thugs were brazen in their desperation at some units in the hinterland, but security personnel were equal to the task.
On performance level, Diri was credited with having spread development across the three senatorial districts of the state, which endeared him to many voters, even though APC members insisted he under-performed, considering the amount that accrued to the state in his first tenure.
His mien and seeming non-violent disposition, even in the midst of provocation and sometimes nudging from some party faithful also worked for him at a time when many residents and indigenes were tired of the violent elections of the past and wanted a break from them.
Sylva’s supporters also pointed to his achievement as governor of the state, listing road projects and his other development strides.
But his opponents were quick to ask what projects he actually attracted to the state when he was minister of State for Petroleum Resources in the last administration.
On their part, lawmakers elected on the PDP platform, who constitute most of the state Assembly, worked hard to retain their constituencies as if it were their own elections. In fact, to them, it was a continuation of where they stopped in the March election. Working like foot soldiers, boosted the chances of Diri to the disadvantage of Sylva.
Recall that while the PDP won over two-thirds seats in the state Assembly, APC garnered only five and lost all the National Assembly seats (both the Senate and House of Representatives), no thanks to its internal wrangling.
The mouthed or expected federal might or intervention in favour of Sylva was absent in the election. Neither was the incumbency factor an advantage to Diri, thereby paving way to some relative level playing field.
But Diri’s endorsement by former President Goodluck Jonathan close to the end of campaigns was able to swing votes to the governor, especially in Ogbia, where that move neutralised the efforts of the Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Dr. Samuel Ogbuku, a Sylva protege.
Same for the late rallying of the former governor, Senator Seriake Dickson, in Sagbama and former NDDC helmsman, Mr. Timi Alaibe in Kolokuma/Opokuma. The Alamieyeseigha family in Southern Ijaw where the APC deputy governorship candidate, Joshua MacIver, hails from showed strength by swaying votes for the ticket.
In terms of spread, Diri was generally accepted, judging from the election, as he won six of the eight councils- Ekeremor, Ogbia, Sagbama, Kolokuma/Opokuma, Yenagoa and Southern Ijaw- leaving two- Brass and his Nembe- to Sylva to pick.
In the last INEC registration exercise, Yenagoa, which PDP had always won, had the highest voting strength, followed by Southern Ijaw, Sagbama, from Dickson hails, and Ogbia, Jonathan’s territory.
Last Saturday’s election showed the strength of these personalities in their councils, unlike in the general election, where PDP lost to APC in Ogbia, for example. This time around, PDP turned the table despite the efforts of Ogbuku, who is well respected there.
While the PDP went into the race more united and reconciled, the same could not be said of APC, where the dissent from the primary election was carried over and even reinforced ahead of the poll. Unity was lacking and there was no deliberate effort at genuine reconciliation.
This saw many strong party members either staying aloof during the campaigns or being accused of fraternising with the PDP ahead of the election. Thus, for example, the electoral weight of the Minister of State, Petroleum, Senator Heineken Lokpogri, and Lyon were not capitalised on.
Also, influence of the “core Ijaw” factor used by politicians to win votes in the past was relegated to the background.
Indeed, low turnout of voters, internal division, threat of violence, vote-buying and voters’ perception of the main candidates were some of the factors that determined the outcome of the November 11 election.
By the morning of Sunday, November 12, there was tight security at the state INEC headquarters and environs, which was cordoned off. Just before there was a large crowd of parties, mainly PDP, supporters, who danced and sang to a blasting mobile music box from a vehicle nearby.
Anxiety heightened when collation was adjourned until 3 p.m. after the announcement of results from Yenagoa, Kolokuma/ Opokuma and Ogbia Councils, with those from five councils being awaited.
When collation resumed at 4 p.m., results from Nembe, Sagbama and Ekeremor were added, with Brass and Southern Ijaw remaining until the exercise was again adjourned to 12p.m. on Monday. And this further escalated apprehension.
By early Monday morning, the crowd had increased and many supporters obviously kept vigil close to the venue, eating, drinking and wining till dawn, even as more people trooped to the venue to swell the number.
And when about 1.30 p.m., the collation resumed, only Brass was released. That too charged the atmosphere further. But that was not enough to dampen the morale of PDP supporters around, who continued to dance and merry in anticipation.
Finally, at 3 p.m., the long-awaited Southern Ijaw results were announced, giving overall victory to PDP’s Diri with 175,000 votes, with Sylva of APC trailing in second position polling 110,000 votes. Then, the crowd went into a frenzy, ecstatic and loud in celebration, unrestrained.
Prior to that time, there were unconfirmed reports that some APC members were mobilising to protest the outcome of the poll at the collation centre, and the possibility of a clash loom.
But there came a heavy downpour that calmed the situation for a while, and probably avert what could have been a clash between supporters of the two major parties.
As expected, losers were left to lick their wounds, and certainly orphaned, at least for the moment.
THEGUARDIAN
